书城公版The Origins of Contemporary France
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第367章

Thus, whatever the grand terms of liberty, equality, and fraternity may be, with which the Revolution graces itself, it is, in its essence, a transfer of property; in this alone consists its chief support, its enduring energy, its primary impulse and its historical significance. - Formerly, in antiquity, similar movements were accomplished, debts were abolished or lessened, the possessions of the rich were confiscated, and the public lands were divided; but this operation was confined to a city and limited to a small territory. For the first time it takes place on a large scale and in a modern State. - Thus far, in these vast States, when the deeper foundations have been disturbed, it has ever been on account of foreign domination or on account of an oppression of conscience.

In France in the fifteenth century, in Holland in the sixteenth and in England in the seventeenth century, the peasant, the mechanic, and the laborer had taken up arms against an enemy or in behalf of their faith. On religious or patriotic zeal has followed the craving for prosperity and comfort, and the new motive is as powerful as the others; for in our industrial, democratic, and utilitarian societies it is this which governs almost all lives, and excites almost all efforts. Kept down for centuries, the passion recovers itself by throwing off government and privilege, the two great weights which have borne it down. At the present time this passion launches itself impetuously with its whole force, with brutal insensibility, athwart every kind of proprietorship that is legal and legitimate, whether it be public or private. The obstacles it encounters only render it the more destructive , beyond property it attacks proprietors, and completes plunder with proscriptions.

______________________________________________________________________Notes:

[1] The expression is that of Jean Bon Saint-André to Mathieu Dumas, sent to re-establish tranquillity in Montauban (1790): "The day of vengeance, which we have been awaiting for a hundred years, has come!"[2] De Dampmartin, I. 187 (an eye-witness).

[3] "Archives Nationales," F7, 3223 and 3216. Letters of M. de Bouzols, major general, residing at Montpellier, May 21, 25, 28, 1790.

[4] Mary Lafon, "Histoire d'une Ville Protestante ".(with original documents derived from the archives of Montauban).

[5] Archives Nationales," F7, 2216. Procés-verbal of the Municipality of N?mes and report of the Abbé de Belmont. - Report of the Administrative commissioners, June 28, 1790. - Petition of the Catholics, April 20. - Letters of the Municipality, the commissioners, and M. de Nausel, on the events of May 2 and 3. -Letter of M. Rabaut Saint-Etienne, May 12 - Petition of the widow Gas, July 30. - Report (printed) of M. Alquier, February 19, 1791. - Memoir (printed) of the massacre of the Catholics at N?mes, by Froment (1790). - New address of the Municipality of N?mes, presented by M. de Marguerite, mayor and deputy (1790), printed. Mercure de France, February 23, 1791.

[6] The petition is signed by 3,127 persons, besides 1560 who put a cross declaring that they could not write. The counter-petition of the club is signed by 262 persons.

[7] This last item, stated in M. Alquier's report, is denied by the municipality. According to it, the red rosettes gathered around the bishop's quarters had no guns.

[8] An insurrection in the sixteenth century, when the Protestants fired on the Catholics on St. Michael's Day.-[TR.]

[9] "Archives Nationales," F7, 3216. Letter of M. de Lespin, Major at N?mes, to the commandant of Provence, M de Perigord, July 27, 1790: "The plots and conspiracies which were attributed to the vanquished party, and which, it was believed, would be discovered in the depositions of the four hundred men in prison, vanish as the proceedings advance. The veritable culprits are to be found among the informers.

[10] Buchez and Roux, III. 240 (Memorandum of the Ministers, October 28, 1789). - " Archives Nationales," D, XXIX. 3.

Deliberation of the Municipal council of Vernon (November 4, 1789)[11] "Archives Nationales," KK, 1105. correspondence of M. de Thiard, November 4, 1789. - See similar occurrences, September 4, October 23, November 4 and 19, 1789, January 27 and March 27, 1790[12] "Archives Nationales," F7, 3257. Letter from Gex, May 29, 1790. - Buchez and Roux, VII. 198, 369 (September, October, 1790).

[13] "Archives Nationales," H. 1453. correspondence of M. de Bercheny, Commandant of the four central provinces. Letters of May 25, June 11, 19, and 27, 1790. - " Archives Nationales," D.

XXIX. 4. Deliberations of the district administrators of Bourbon-Lancy, May 26.

[14] "Archives Nationales," H. 2453. Minutes of the meeting of a dozen parishes in Nivernais, June 4. "White bread is to be 2 sous, and brown bread 11/2 sous. Husbandmen are to have 30 sous, reapers 10 sous, wheelwrights 10 sous, bailiffs 6 sous per league. Butter is to be at 8 sous, meat at 5 sous, pork at 8 sous, oil at 8 sous the pint, a square foot of masonry-work 40 sous, a pair of large sabots 3 sous. All rights of pasturage and of forests are to he surrendered. The roads are to be free everywhere, as formerly. All seignorial rents arc to be suppressed. Millers are to take only one thirty-second of a bushel. The seigneurs of our department are to give up all servile holidays and ill-acquired property. The curé of Bièze is simply to say mass at nine o'clock in the morning and vespers at two o'clock in the afternoon, in summer and winter; he must marry and bury gratis, it being reserved to us to pay him a salary. He is to be paid 6 sous for masses, and not to leave his curé except to repeat his breviary and make proper calls on the men and women of his parish. Hats must be had from 3 livres to 30 sous.